In Portugal, conservative leader Luís Montenegro has managed to keep the far-right party Chega out of his possible new government, which shook up the party system in our neighboring country. The reaction of the PS, the previous ruling party, seems to be heading towards a constructive opposition; they will oppose, but have also extended a hand to support certain reforms. It remains to be seen if they will achieve the necessary stability to move the legislature forward, but these maneuvers send a positive signal. This decision, in light of what is happening in our country and the direction of the European elections, is a step in the right direction. It shows that the majority sector of the right has a clear idea of how to relate to national populist parties. This is the opposite of what is happening in Spain and much of Europe.
It is clear that Spain does not enjoy the national cohesion that Portugal does and is paralyzed by a polarizing deadlock that makes it nearly impossible to imagine any sort of cross-party agreement. But what is of interest here is that Spain lacks a right-wing party that knows how to navigate its own territory. This is the Achilles heel causing the bleeding of the PP, which is forced, in places where it depends on Vox, to yield on issues that distort its image as a “modern right-wing party” and severely limit its aspirations for governing, as seen in the recent general elections. In short, it has not yet found a strategy to relate to Vox. Nor is it expected to. Especially after the agreement with the far-right regarding historical memory in the regions they govern. There is also a danger that they will be swept up by the aggressive rhetoric of Vox to appear just as resolute in rejecting the “Frankenstein coalition.”
However, the worst part is that they have become comfortable with opposing for the sake of opposing. They criticize every step the government takes in dealing with the independence movement, but fail to offer an alternative solution. Apart from vague references to the Constitution, which they are obligated to uphold, does anyone know what the PP’s plan is to pacify Catalonia or seek better integration in the Basque Country? Do they have a plan? As the elections approach in these two regions, we only know that their approach is not like the current PSOE, and this lack of clarity severely hinders their chances of a good result. Another question arises about their stance on the new cultural wars. How much of the measures imposed in their regions align with their beliefs, and how much is merely a concession to their Vox partners?
The significant influence that Vox holds is the main source of fear that arises from their association with the PP. It may be comforting to know, as stated by Simon Kuper in Financial Times, that based on various polls, it seems that cultural wars are simmering down. For example, a majority of Americans and Britons were in favor of discussing the most controversial aspects of their history—racism or imperialism, depending on the case—rather than eliminating them altogether or giving up a critical view; however, they also did not support extreme radical views. This pattern applies to other topics as well. It may not be as difficult as it seems, but the parties involved will have to work on it and stand firm against Vox.
