The damnatio memoriae of Pablo Casado in the PP has been so thorough that, if he were to show up at the headquarters in Génova, he would be better received than Vladimir Ilyich Ulyanov, alias Lenin. Despite maintaining silence and elegance, the former president is not being granted any amnesty among his peers. He is not invited to events, and if there is a chance encounter, he is avoided. It is a significant irony that much of his work has survived without complaint. The Renovation Operation of candidacies was supposed to leave him posthumous successes in regional presidencies from Aragon to Cantabria. The biggest legacy of Casado, however, was the dual candidacy of Ayuso and Almeida, who were initially thought to be destined for failure.
Casado, Almeida, and Ayuso all come from the same background, stemming from a Madrid mutation of Aznarism called Aguirrism. Casado was the beloved disciple, Almeida shared a similar social milieu, but only Ayuso has taken the Aguirre model to a level of perfection that even Aguirre herself has endorsed. Aguirre revived the majismo spirit that united the high and working classes of Madrid from the 18th century onwards, which is evident in her ease with both swing dance and campaign photos in neighborhood markets. Ayuso, on the other hand, does not need the same majismo flair, belonging instead to a hard-working middle class that resonates with the Thatcher-imported “shopkeeper’s liberalism” in Madrid. Both Aguirre and Ayuso have claimed to be liberals while still appealing to more religious voters, much like Aznar’s policy on Israel. They have faced criticism primarily in the healthcare sector and have been targets of mockery from the left, who underestimated their ability to counterattack successfully.
Both Aguirre and Ayuso have been successful locally, even rivaling popular pop stars in terms of fame, which has led some to question whether they truly represent the broader population beyond Somosierra. Aguirre left more of a governmental legacy, even if it was just in the form of metro lines, while Ayuso has managed to provoke more of a reaction from the left. This contrast in reactions is indicative of the current political climate, where being able to provoke a reaction is seen as a merit. Ayuso has demonstrated a level of intelligence that Aguirre did not possess, and her ability to build alliances and maintain loyalty within the party has been a key factor in her success. Both Aguirre and Ayuso have had diplomatic relationships with the central leadership of the PP, but Ayuso has been more successful in leveraging these relationships to her advantage.
Feijóo, like Rajoy before him, is a man in no rush. He showed this during the 2019 primaries when he waited his turn to run. Since taking over the party in 2022, he has also been deliberate in his actions, taking his time to set up his ideological and leadership structures. Despite not having the same resources as other regional presidents, Feijóo has managed to maintain control through a large executive committee, allowing him to navigate the power struggles within the party effectively. He balances polarizing figures like Ayuso with more temperate voices like Bonilla. In Catalonia, he has shown pragmatism, and in Galicia, he displayed authority and boldness. Feijóo’s baronification of the party may unsettle some, but his strong leadership style has garnered support from within the party, including from Cayetana Álvarez de Toledo. Ultimately, the resilient Galician leader is poised to temper the influence of the vibrant Madrilenian counterparts.
