Catalonia urgently needs a government that governs and addresses the real problems of its citizens. The heated rhetoric and false historical references have consumed the energy of its leaders for too long, including the last government, despite efforts by President Pere Aragonès to return to a certain normalcy. The inertia of the independence process seems to have led the Generalitat officials to forget about managing a strong welfare state that has been affected by the various crises of the last decade. The autonomous elections last Sunday yielded a result that is perfectly manageable under normal circumstances. The PSC, led by Salvador Illa, emerged as the clear frontrunner and aims to form a government. Although in the minority, they have at least three possible paths to securing investiture: a left-wing coalition with ERC and Comuns, a sociovergent alliance with Junts, and a potential solitary government with variable support from both the left and right.
Parties are unlikely to reveal their strategies before the European elections on June 9th. The challenge will be overcoming the vetoes of those who led the separatist experiment in 2017 without having reflected on their actions. However, despite the resulting fragmentation, the election results spoke clearly a week ago. With the current distribution of seats, there are no other viable options: ERC has already announced that they will move into opposition, and the possible pro-independence government around Puigdemont lacks sufficient support. It would be irresponsible to expect that a new election would result in anything other than further deadlock and citizen disaffection. Catalans and their self-government would not benefit from a repeated election, which would only further marginalize the independence parties, especially ERC, risking the leaders’ personal interests at the expense of their parties.
The only beneficiaries of a repeated election would be the leaders themselves, such as Oriol Junqueras and Carles Puigdemont, who are willing to gamble once again even if it means risking their own parties. They share this interest with the Partido Popular and the far-right parties Vox and Aliança Catalana. The PP’s use of the independence issue for electoral gain in the rest of Spain only adds to the inertia of the independence movement. It would greatly benefit stability in Catalonia if the PP stopped using it as a ploy for votes. Illa’s approach, as well as the electoral defeat of the independence movement for the first time in four decades, could justify a vote for a non-independence candidate. The essentialist discourse of the PP regarding the independence movement should prompt them to abstain and accept the failure of their previous Catalan strategy.
The identity-based polarization in Catalonia creates alliances between adversaries who need each other, as demonstrated by the independence movement and the PP. Both struggle to accept reality and, unfortunately, they both currently work to maintain a harmful dynamic that only leads to further division and deadlock, despite clear signs of a new era in Catalan society. It is essential for Catalonia to have a government that focuses on real issues and moves away from the emotionally charged rhetoric that has dominated the political landscape for too long.
The polarization of identity politics in Catalonia only serves to deepen divisions and prevent progress. It is crucial for the region to move towards a more constructive and inclusive political discourse that addresses the needs of all citizens, regardless of their ideological beliefs. Only by breaking free from the cycle of conflict and division can Catalonia truly move forward and address the pressing challenges it faces.
